1 20 4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Korean Drumming Description An account of the resource <h4>P’ungmul nori</h4> P’ungmul nori is one of the oldest and most popular folk arts of Korea deeply rooted in the country’s traditionally agrarian lifestyle and culture. The term consists of pung (literally, “wind”), and mul (literally, “thing” or “object”), with nori meaning “play.” Generally, p’ungmul (sometimes known as nongak) refers to the percussion bands that performed in farming villages on various occasions, festivities, and celebrations, including planting and harvesting seasons, New Year, Full Moon, to invoke blessings and repel evil spirits. But perhaps most importantly, p’ungmul nori is an activity that calls on the collective energy and unity of the community. It stirs up the shinmyong (excited spirit) of the people providing a renewed sense of energy to carry on the difficult tasks of laboring. Instrumentation of p’ungmul groups tends to vary according to region, but the four basic elements of p’ungmul nori are the kkwaenggwari (small gong), changgo (hourglass drum), ching (large gong), and puk (shallow barrel drum). Ensembles will sometimes include the sogo (small frame drum with handle), the nabal (long trumpet), or the taepyongso (conical oboe). In cases where the sogo is present, its player will usually perform acrobatics with a ribbon tied to a headpiece, while the rest of the ensemble dances the steps to a procession. P’ungmul nori traditionally takes place outside in an open space, and while it is considered to be music, it is dance is an integral and inseparable aspect of the whole performance. As such, all members of a p’ungmul group carry their instruments or have them tied to their body, so that dance movements are possible. The kkwaenggwari and ching (small and large gongs) are the most important instruments in the percussion band. The kkwaenggwari is played by the leader who directs the group in changes of rhythm patterns and tempi. The ching, on the other hand, plays a key role in the ensemble by providing the basic beats that unify the performance. Many a p’ungmul musician will attest that if the large gong loses the pulse, the band will fall apart. The changgo, however, can be seen as the feature instrument of p’ungmul and samul nori. It realizes the complete changdan (rhythmic cycle) and carries the most complex rhythm patterns. It is also the only instrument in the ensemble played with both hands. The changgo can reach great levels of virtuosity, especially in samul nori. The puk rounds out the quartet of instruments by providing a strong and consistent pulse. Musicians and scholars believe that p’ungmul music has its origins in shamanism, the indigenous religion of Korea. But it is difficult to say where this influence ends not only because data on the history of this genre is sparse, but also because its evolution has been affected by military music, Buddhism, its role as pure entertainment, and its connections with the itinerant performing troupes (namsadang) of the late Choson Dynasty. The ritualistic aspect of p’ungmul percussion bands was extant in the agricultural and coastal countrysides of Korea until the middle of the 20th century. But this tradition has slowly died out in the wake of modernization, the influence of western religions, an overall decrease in superstitious rituals, and the rise of technology not only in farming materials and equipment, but also in various leisure items that focus more on individual and indoor entertainment. Today, p’ungmul nori remains a source of entertainment and is preserved in festivals, parades, and in performance contexts. It is also an art form that carries the identity of the Korean people, especially in a time where western music seems to have eclipsed much of Korean traditional music. P’ungmul is significant in that it still exists in Korea today. Where as court music died out with the dynasties, and something like p’ansori (narrative folk singing) is to be enjoyed when there is a skilled p’ansori singer available, p’ungmul is an accessible form of music, its musical patterns relatively easy to learn, pick up, and perform. After the military coup in Korea (1961) and throughout the latter half of the 20th century, students across Korean campuses employed p’ungmul as a medium to empower the masses and rally strength in demonstrating against the authoritarian government. Its dynamic, powerful rhythms, and its accessibility to the masses made p’ungmul nori a popular channel and source for provocation, mobilization, energy, and solidarity. In Korea’s culture of survival, p’ungmul has played an important role in rousing the shinmyong and regenerating the spirit of the people. <h4>Samul nori</h4> Samul nori (literally, “play of four things”) may be seen as a modernized adaptation of p’ungmul nori. It first emerged on the stages of Korea in the late 1970s with a tremendous following, under the leadership of Kim Duk Soo who is credited as the leader of this movement. The four instruments in the samul nori genre are the kkwaenggwari, changgo, ching, and puk. Samul nori stems from the p’ungmul tradition, but it is designed mainly for performance and is reserved for highly skilled, professional musicians. Whereas p’ungmul is performed outdoors, in an open space, samul nori is presented in a small space or on a stage (outdoors or indoors). Samul nori performances are often performed in a seated position. P’ungmul music has simpler rhythm patterns that are repeated, and thus accessible to the wide audience. Indeed a “successful” p’ungmul nori invites as many people as possible, as the shinmyong of the group will be more euphoric when there are more people involved. The boundary and space (physical, emotional) between player and audience is minimal in p’ungmul nori, as the larger goal is to achieve a communal high in spirit. P’ungmul performances are not limited to a particular time frame, coming to a close only when the festivities come to a natural end. On the other hand, the genre of samul nori is performed by an average of 4-6 performers who are somewhat distanced from the audience as they showcase a program of extremely complex and technically difficult patterns. Although audiences can certainly sense the shinmyong and participate in the exciting spirit that is generated through such brilliance, samul nori is not conducive to audience participation in the way that p’ungmul nori is. It is not easy, nor is it meant, for onlookers to follow along, in rhythm or dance. Since samul nori is tailored as a staged art, the length of pieces is considerably shorter and the program is set before the show. Although samul nori is not completely without improvisation, its scope is limited in comparison to p’ungmul nori, which is more responsive to audience reactions and the atmosphere created at the time of performance. While p’ungmul nori does not come with a “repertory,” and no two performances or groups would play the same material, samul nori has developed a set or standardized pieces. Samul nori is an urban phenomenon that has been immensely popular with Korean youth. It has sparked renewed interest in traditional art forms among Koreans in the face of Korea’s ever-westernizing musical arena. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hae Joo Kim (2005) Musical Instrument A sound-making object used for musical performance or in a musical context Alternative title any additional names or spellings for the instrument Buk Physical description Physical attributes and characteristics of the instrument, details about morphology, construction, materials, dimensions The word puk in Korean is the generic term for the word “drum,” and there are several kinds of puks in Korean music. However, the most common are the p’ungmul puk used in farmer’s band music, and the sori puk used to accompany p’ansori singing (Korean traditional narrative storytelling). The puk is a shallow, double-headed barrel drum with a wooden body made of paulownia or poplar, and heads made of deer hide, horsehide, or cowhide, although cowhide is most common. The size of the puk varies from region to region and according to purpose (sori puks may by larger than the puks used in farmer’s band music), but the heads generally range from 35-40 cm in diameter (13½ to 15½ in). They are approximately 20-25 cm deep (7½ to 9½ in). The skins of p’ansori puks are permanently nailed around the body of the drum, while the skins of the p’ungmul puks are attached to each other by lacing leather strings across the body of the drum. Musical, Cultural, and Social Contexts information about the contexts in which the instrument is and its role in culture and society performed (Who plays the instrument? What music do they play? Where, when, why is this instrument played?) The puk does not play complex rhythms like the changgo, but rather provides a strong, consistent pulse throughout a performance. It is one of the four basic percussion instruments in Korea. Playing technique methods of playing the instrument, performance practices (how is the instrument played?) The puk is played with a bare stick made of birch wood. In p’ansori accompaniment, the puk is situated vertically on the floor while the player (known as the gosu) is in a seated position striking one head with the bare palm and the other with the drumstick. Ornamental patterns and accentuated beats are played out on the top, over the rim of the drum. In p’ansori performances, the gosu customarily shouts out cries of encouragement know as chuimsae, to complement and support the singer as the tale unfolds. In p’ungmul nori, the puk is usually tied to the body of the player with a sash slung across the shoulder, and like the changgo, is carried around to facilitate walking and dancing. The puk in p’ungmul music is played with the stick in one hand while the other hand braces the drum against the body. Though it is rare, there are regions in Korea where the puk is sometimes played like the changgo, with two sticks. Geography The continent, region, nation where this instrument originates from Korea Classification Hornbostel-Sachs, revised by MIMO 211.222.12 Individual double-skin barrel drums, both heads played Ensemble The musical group in which an instrument can be found Korean Drumming Ensemble Dimensions The physical measurements of the instrument Diameter: 35-40 cm (13½ to 15½ in) Width: 20-25 cm (7½ to 9½ in) Materials Body: paulownia or poplar wood Drum heads: cowhide (most popular), deer hide, or horsehide Bibliography a list of sources referenced <div class="element-text"> <div class="element-text"> <div class="element-text"> Hahn, Myung-Hee. 1998. A Study of Musical Instruments in Korean Traditional Music, translated by Park, Il-Woo, Seoul: The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts, Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Howard, Keith. 1988. Korean Musical Instruments: A Practical Guide, Seoul, Korea: Se-Kwang Music Publishing Co. --------. 1995. Korean Musical Instruments, New York: Oxford University Press. Killick, Andrew. 2002. “Musical Instruments of Korea.” In The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, Vol. 7. East Asia: China, Japan, and Korea, edited by Robert Provine, Yoshihiko Tokumaru, and J. Lawrence Witzleben, New York: Routledge, 821-31. Lee, Hye-Ku. 1981. Essays on Traditional Korean Music, translated and edited by Robert Provine, Seoul, Korea: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch. Pratt, Keith. 1987. Korean Music: Its History and Performance, London: Faber Music Ltd. Sŏng, Kyŏng-rin. 1973. “Korean Musical Instruments.” In Survey of Korean Arts: Traditional Music. Seoul, Korea: The National Academy of Arts. </div> </div> </div> Contributors Entry authors Hae Joo Kim (2005) Notation The style of written music that the player reads Traditionally, Korean percussion instruments used a notational system called the Chǒngganbo, which can be traced back to the fifteenth century. The Chǒngganbo is a framework of vertical and horizontal lines that intersect to create small boxes that are read in columns (top to bottom, right to left), with icons or symbols representing various strokes placed within each box, one box being equal to one beat. In ensemble music, one column would carry the notation for one instrument, and one line (i.e. one segment from top to bottom) would denote one rhythmic cycle. Chǒngganbo also allows for subdivision of beats within one box if necessary. The Chǒngganbo system is still in use today, although Korean percussion instruments also use western staff notation. The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts in Korea uses and prints materials in both systems. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Puk Korea membranophone Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Korean Drumming Description An account of the resource <h4>P’ungmul nori</h4> P’ungmul nori is one of the oldest and most popular folk arts of Korea deeply rooted in the country’s traditionally agrarian lifestyle and culture. The term consists of pung (literally, “wind”), and mul (literally, “thing” or “object”), with nori meaning “play.” Generally, p’ungmul (sometimes known as nongak) refers to the percussion bands that performed in farming villages on various occasions, festivities, and celebrations, including planting and harvesting seasons, New Year, Full Moon, to invoke blessings and repel evil spirits. But perhaps most importantly, p’ungmul nori is an activity that calls on the collective energy and unity of the community. It stirs up the shinmyong (excited spirit) of the people providing a renewed sense of energy to carry on the difficult tasks of laboring. Instrumentation of p’ungmul groups tends to vary according to region, but the four basic elements of p’ungmul nori are the kkwaenggwari (small gong), changgo (hourglass drum), ching (large gong), and puk (shallow barrel drum). Ensembles will sometimes include the sogo (small frame drum with handle), the nabal (long trumpet), or the taepyongso (conical oboe). In cases where the sogo is present, its player will usually perform acrobatics with a ribbon tied to a headpiece, while the rest of the ensemble dances the steps to a procession. P’ungmul nori traditionally takes place outside in an open space, and while it is considered to be music, it is dance is an integral and inseparable aspect of the whole performance. As such, all members of a p’ungmul group carry their instruments or have them tied to their body, so that dance movements are possible. The kkwaenggwari and ching (small and large gongs) are the most important instruments in the percussion band. The kkwaenggwari is played by the leader who directs the group in changes of rhythm patterns and tempi. The ching, on the other hand, plays a key role in the ensemble by providing the basic beats that unify the performance. Many a p’ungmul musician will attest that if the large gong loses the pulse, the band will fall apart. The changgo, however, can be seen as the feature instrument of p’ungmul and samul nori. It realizes the complete changdan (rhythmic cycle) and carries the most complex rhythm patterns. It is also the only instrument in the ensemble played with both hands. The changgo can reach great levels of virtuosity, especially in samul nori. The puk rounds out the quartet of instruments by providing a strong and consistent pulse. Musicians and scholars believe that p’ungmul music has its origins in shamanism, the indigenous religion of Korea. But it is difficult to say where this influence ends not only because data on the history of this genre is sparse, but also because its evolution has been affected by military music, Buddhism, its role as pure entertainment, and its connections with the itinerant performing troupes (namsadang) of the late Choson Dynasty. The ritualistic aspect of p’ungmul percussion bands was extant in the agricultural and coastal countrysides of Korea until the middle of the 20th century. But this tradition has slowly died out in the wake of modernization, the influence of western religions, an overall decrease in superstitious rituals, and the rise of technology not only in farming materials and equipment, but also in various leisure items that focus more on individual and indoor entertainment. Today, p’ungmul nori remains a source of entertainment and is preserved in festivals, parades, and in performance contexts. It is also an art form that carries the identity of the Korean people, especially in a time where western music seems to have eclipsed much of Korean traditional music. P’ungmul is significant in that it still exists in Korea today. Where as court music died out with the dynasties, and something like p’ansori (narrative folk singing) is to be enjoyed when there is a skilled p’ansori singer available, p’ungmul is an accessible form of music, its musical patterns relatively easy to learn, pick up, and perform. After the military coup in Korea (1961) and throughout the latter half of the 20th century, students across Korean campuses employed p’ungmul as a medium to empower the masses and rally strength in demonstrating against the authoritarian government. Its dynamic, powerful rhythms, and its accessibility to the masses made p’ungmul nori a popular channel and source for provocation, mobilization, energy, and solidarity. In Korea’s culture of survival, p’ungmul has played an important role in rousing the shinmyong and regenerating the spirit of the people. <h4>Samul nori</h4> Samul nori (literally, “play of four things”) may be seen as a modernized adaptation of p’ungmul nori. It first emerged on the stages of Korea in the late 1970s with a tremendous following, under the leadership of Kim Duk Soo who is credited as the leader of this movement. The four instruments in the samul nori genre are the kkwaenggwari, changgo, ching, and puk. Samul nori stems from the p’ungmul tradition, but it is designed mainly for performance and is reserved for highly skilled, professional musicians. Whereas p’ungmul is performed outdoors, in an open space, samul nori is presented in a small space or on a stage (outdoors or indoors). Samul nori performances are often performed in a seated position. P’ungmul music has simpler rhythm patterns that are repeated, and thus accessible to the wide audience. Indeed a “successful” p’ungmul nori invites as many people as possible, as the shinmyong of the group will be more euphoric when there are more people involved. The boundary and space (physical, emotional) between player and audience is minimal in p’ungmul nori, as the larger goal is to achieve a communal high in spirit. P’ungmul performances are not limited to a particular time frame, coming to a close only when the festivities come to a natural end. On the other hand, the genre of samul nori is performed by an average of 4-6 performers who are somewhat distanced from the audience as they showcase a program of extremely complex and technically difficult patterns. Although audiences can certainly sense the shinmyong and participate in the exciting spirit that is generated through such brilliance, samul nori is not conducive to audience participation in the way that p’ungmul nori is. It is not easy, nor is it meant, for onlookers to follow along, in rhythm or dance. Since samul nori is tailored as a staged art, the length of pieces is considerably shorter and the program is set before the show. Although samul nori is not completely without improvisation, its scope is limited in comparison to p’ungmul nori, which is more responsive to audience reactions and the atmosphere created at the time of performance. While p’ungmul nori does not come with a “repertory,” and no two performances or groups would play the same material, samul nori has developed a set or standardized pieces. Samul nori is an urban phenomenon that has been immensely popular with Korean youth. It has sparked renewed interest in traditional art forms among Koreans in the face of Korea’s ever-westernizing musical arena. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hae Joo Kim (2005) Musical Instrument A sound-making object used for musical performance or in a musical context Alternative title any additional names or spellings for the instrument Jing, Taegŭm Physical description Physical attributes and characteristics of the instrument, details about morphology, construction, materials, dimensions The ching is the larger of two gongs used in Korean percussion music. It is made of brass and ranges in size from approximately 35 to 40 cm (13½ to 1 ½ in) in diameter, with an inward-sloping rim of approximately 8 to 10 cm (3 to 3½ in) deep. It is approximately 3 mm thick. The size of the ching varies according to its usage: the ching used in p’ungmul nori (farmer’s band music) is usually smaller than the ching used in court, Buddhist, or ritual music, in which cases it is sometimes referred to as the taegŭm (literally, “large metal’), as opposed to the kkwaenggwari, the small gong, which is sometimes known as the sogŭm (“small metal”). In court music, and also in the contemporary genre of samul nori (concert stage-adaptation of p’ungmul nori), the ching can be seen being played in a seated position, sometimes held in one hand by a small cord looped through two holes at the top, or suspended on a wooden frame. In the genre of p’ungmul nori, the ching is carried around by its handle while the player engages in a procession or dance movements with the other percussionists. In the genre of sinawi (shamanic instrumental music), the ching may be held in the hand, not by its handle, allowing for more possibilities in sound quality. The ching is struck with a mallet, the head of which is wrapped in cloth, and thus it produces a soft tone. Musical, Cultural, and Social Contexts information about the contexts in which the instrument is and its role in culture and society performed (Who plays the instrument? What music do they play? Where, when, why is this instrument played?) Although the ching is seemingly the least “active” of Korean percussion instruments, especially compared to the relatively complex patterns played out by the changgo (hourglass drum), kkwaenggwari (small gong), and puk (barrel drum), it carries the vital role of underlining and punctuating the main beats in the cycles of changdan (rhythmic patterns) that give structure to the music. It not only provides a resonant base for the other instruments, its tone also sustains a unity within the ensemble as it “wraps” the sounds of the other instruments. Indeed many p’ungmul nori musicians consider the ching to be the most important instrument in a percussion ensemble. Historical background information about the origins, history, and development of the instrument The ching has probably been in use in Korea longer than the smaller gong (kkwaenggwari). It is featured in many genres of Korean music including shamanic, Confucian, Buddhist, military, and folk musics. In the military context of earlier times, the ching was used to signal retreat during battles. Geography The continent, region, nation where this instrument originates from Korea Classification Hornbostel-Sachs, revised by MIMO 111.241.11 (idiophone) Bossed gongs, flat gongs (with flange) and intermediate types Ensemble The musical group in which an instrument can be found Korean Drumming Ensemble Dimensions The physical measurements of the instrument Diameter: 35 to 40 cm (13½ to 1 ½ in) Inward-sloping rim: 8 to 10 cm (3 to 3½ in) deep Approximately 3 mm thick. Materials Brass Bibliography a list of sources referenced <div class="element-text"> <div class="element-text"> Hahn, Myung-Hee. 1998. A Study of Musical Instruments in Korean Traditional Music, translated by Park, Il-Woo, Seoul: The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts, Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Howard, Keith. 1988. Korean Musical Instruments: A Practical Guide, Seoul, Korea: Se-Kwang Music Publishing Co. --------. 1995. Korean Musical Instruments, New York: Oxford University Press. Killick, Andrew. 2002. “Musical Instruments of Korea.” In The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, Vol. 7. East Asia: China, Japan, and Korea, edited by Robert Provine, Yoshihiko Tokumaru, and J. Lawrence Witzleben, New York: Routledge, 821-31. Lee, Hye-Ku. 1981. Essays on Traditional Korean Music, translated and edited by Robert Provine, Seoul, Korea: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch. Pratt, Keith. 1987. Korean Music: Its History and Performance, London: Faber Music Ltd. Sŏng, Kyŏng-rin. 1973. “Korean Musical Instruments.” In Survey of Korean Arts: Traditional Music. Seoul, Korea: The National Academy of Arts. </div> </div> Contributors Entry authors Hae Joo Kim (2005) Notation The style of written music that the player reads Traditionally, Korean percussion instruments used a notational system called the Chǒngganbo, which can be traced back to the fifteenth century. The Chǒngganbo is a framework of vertical and horizontal lines that intersect to create small boxes that are read in columns (top to bottom, right to left), with icons or symbols representing various strokes placed within each box, one box being equal to one beat. In ensemble music, one column would carry the notation for one instrument, and one line (i.e. one segment from top to bottom) would denote one rhythmic cycle. Chǒngganbo also allows for subdivision of beats within one box if necessary. The Chǒngganbo system is still in use today, although Korean percussion instruments also use western staff notation. The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts in Korea uses and prints materials in both systems. Video Embed YouTube video <iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/vbQt14TtHWA" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ching idiophone Korea metallophone Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Korean Drumming Description An account of the resource <h4>P’ungmul nori</h4> P’ungmul nori is one of the oldest and most popular folk arts of Korea deeply rooted in the country’s traditionally agrarian lifestyle and culture. The term consists of pung (literally, “wind”), and mul (literally, “thing” or “object”), with nori meaning “play.” Generally, p’ungmul (sometimes known as nongak) refers to the percussion bands that performed in farming villages on various occasions, festivities, and celebrations, including planting and harvesting seasons, New Year, Full Moon, to invoke blessings and repel evil spirits. But perhaps most importantly, p’ungmul nori is an activity that calls on the collective energy and unity of the community. It stirs up the shinmyong (excited spirit) of the people providing a renewed sense of energy to carry on the difficult tasks of laboring. Instrumentation of p’ungmul groups tends to vary according to region, but the four basic elements of p’ungmul nori are the kkwaenggwari (small gong), changgo (hourglass drum), ching (large gong), and puk (shallow barrel drum). Ensembles will sometimes include the sogo (small frame drum with handle), the nabal (long trumpet), or the taepyongso (conical oboe). In cases where the sogo is present, its player will usually perform acrobatics with a ribbon tied to a headpiece, while the rest of the ensemble dances the steps to a procession. P’ungmul nori traditionally takes place outside in an open space, and while it is considered to be music, it is dance is an integral and inseparable aspect of the whole performance. As such, all members of a p’ungmul group carry their instruments or have them tied to their body, so that dance movements are possible. The kkwaenggwari and ching (small and large gongs) are the most important instruments in the percussion band. The kkwaenggwari is played by the leader who directs the group in changes of rhythm patterns and tempi. The ching, on the other hand, plays a key role in the ensemble by providing the basic beats that unify the performance. Many a p’ungmul musician will attest that if the large gong loses the pulse, the band will fall apart. The changgo, however, can be seen as the feature instrument of p’ungmul and samul nori. It realizes the complete changdan (rhythmic cycle) and carries the most complex rhythm patterns. It is also the only instrument in the ensemble played with both hands. The changgo can reach great levels of virtuosity, especially in samul nori. The puk rounds out the quartet of instruments by providing a strong and consistent pulse. Musicians and scholars believe that p’ungmul music has its origins in shamanism, the indigenous religion of Korea. But it is difficult to say where this influence ends not only because data on the history of this genre is sparse, but also because its evolution has been affected by military music, Buddhism, its role as pure entertainment, and its connections with the itinerant performing troupes (namsadang) of the late Choson Dynasty. The ritualistic aspect of p’ungmul percussion bands was extant in the agricultural and coastal countrysides of Korea until the middle of the 20th century. But this tradition has slowly died out in the wake of modernization, the influence of western religions, an overall decrease in superstitious rituals, and the rise of technology not only in farming materials and equipment, but also in various leisure items that focus more on individual and indoor entertainment. Today, p’ungmul nori remains a source of entertainment and is preserved in festivals, parades, and in performance contexts. It is also an art form that carries the identity of the Korean people, especially in a time where western music seems to have eclipsed much of Korean traditional music. P’ungmul is significant in that it still exists in Korea today. Where as court music died out with the dynasties, and something like p’ansori (narrative folk singing) is to be enjoyed when there is a skilled p’ansori singer available, p’ungmul is an accessible form of music, its musical patterns relatively easy to learn, pick up, and perform. After the military coup in Korea (1961) and throughout the latter half of the 20th century, students across Korean campuses employed p’ungmul as a medium to empower the masses and rally strength in demonstrating against the authoritarian government. Its dynamic, powerful rhythms, and its accessibility to the masses made p’ungmul nori a popular channel and source for provocation, mobilization, energy, and solidarity. In Korea’s culture of survival, p’ungmul has played an important role in rousing the shinmyong and regenerating the spirit of the people. <h4>Samul nori</h4> Samul nori (literally, “play of four things”) may be seen as a modernized adaptation of p’ungmul nori. It first emerged on the stages of Korea in the late 1970s with a tremendous following, under the leadership of Kim Duk Soo who is credited as the leader of this movement. The four instruments in the samul nori genre are the kkwaenggwari, changgo, ching, and puk. Samul nori stems from the p’ungmul tradition, but it is designed mainly for performance and is reserved for highly skilled, professional musicians. Whereas p’ungmul is performed outdoors, in an open space, samul nori is presented in a small space or on a stage (outdoors or indoors). Samul nori performances are often performed in a seated position. P’ungmul music has simpler rhythm patterns that are repeated, and thus accessible to the wide audience. Indeed a “successful” p’ungmul nori invites as many people as possible, as the shinmyong of the group will be more euphoric when there are more people involved. The boundary and space (physical, emotional) between player and audience is minimal in p’ungmul nori, as the larger goal is to achieve a communal high in spirit. P’ungmul performances are not limited to a particular time frame, coming to a close only when the festivities come to a natural end. On the other hand, the genre of samul nori is performed by an average of 4-6 performers who are somewhat distanced from the audience as they showcase a program of extremely complex and technically difficult patterns. Although audiences can certainly sense the shinmyong and participate in the exciting spirit that is generated through such brilliance, samul nori is not conducive to audience participation in the way that p’ungmul nori is. It is not easy, nor is it meant, for onlookers to follow along, in rhythm or dance. Since samul nori is tailored as a staged art, the length of pieces is considerably shorter and the program is set before the show. Although samul nori is not completely without improvisation, its scope is limited in comparison to p’ungmul nori, which is more responsive to audience reactions and the atmosphere created at the time of performance. While p’ungmul nori does not come with a “repertory,” and no two performances or groups would play the same material, samul nori has developed a set or standardized pieces. Samul nori is an urban phenomenon that has been immensely popular with Korean youth. It has sparked renewed interest in traditional art forms among Koreans in the face of Korea’s ever-westernizing musical arena. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hae Joo Kim (2005) Musical Instrument A sound-making object used for musical performance or in a musical context Alternative title any additional names or spellings for the instrument Janggo, Janggu Physical description Physical attributes and characteristics of the instrument, details about morphology, construction, materials, dimensions The changgo is an hourglass drum that is the most widely played of all Korean instruments, and most basic in the sense that it is the one percussion instrument on which a complete changdan (rhythmic cycle) is played out. Its body is usually made of paulownia wood (odong namu), although pottery, metal, ceramic, and plastic bodies also exist, and its heads are made of animal skin. In earlier times, the hourglass-shaped body of the drum was sometimes made by conjoining two or three separated pieces (bowl-shaped parts connected in the middle by a third module), but these days, the body is made of one whole piece. The skins of the changgo are attached to its hollow body by a rope that is looped alternately through the eight metal hooks around the rim of either head. The tension of the drumheads of the changgo can be adjusted by moving leather straps that encase the ensuing V-shape laces. The gungpyon (or pukpyon), usually placed on the left side when the changgo sits horizontally, is covered with cowhide or deer hide, producing a low tone. The chaepyon (right side), is covered with dog hide or horsehide, and usually produces a higher tone. The changgo has been standardized into two types: larger, heavier ones used in court and orchestral music, and smaller, lighter ones used in the genre of p’ungmul nori (farmer’s band music, sometimes known as nongak). Larger changgos may measure over 60 cm (23-24 in) in length and have a diameter of over 30 cm (11½ to 12 in); smaller ones are approximately one third less. Changgos used in court music were usually painted red, the royal color, while changgos used in folk music are the natural wood color as they are rarely painted (except for oil or varnish). Musical, Cultural, and Social Contexts information about the contexts in which the instrument is and its role in culture and society performed (Who plays the instrument? What music do they play? Where, when, why is this instrument played?) With its flexibility in sound production and capacity to produce complex rhythms, the changgo is significant throughout many genres of Korean music. It is the instrument that maintains the changdan (rhythm cycles), the most important element upon which Korean music is based and structured. Much like the piano in western music, the changgo is the most widely used accompanimental instrument in almost every form of court and folk entertainment, music, and dance, and shamanistic music. The only types of music in which the changgo is not normally used are p’ansori, Buddhist music, Confucian shrine music, and military processional music. While the changgo has been an indispensable instrument in providing a rhythmic foundation for many ensembles in Korean traditional music (associated most often with the kkwaenggwari, ching, and puk), it has in the past decades also become known as a “solo” instrument, gaining popularity for the dynamism and virtuosic technique required to play increasingly complicated rhythm patterns. The changgo is sometimes referred to as the sul-changgo when it is performed as a feature instrument, tied to the body as in p’ungmul nori, with accompanying dance movements. Sul-changgo rhythms can be complex, but it is the genre of samul nori (literally, “play of four things”) that helped give the changgo its reputation as a “flashy” instrument. Led by Kim Duk Soo since the late1970s, the genre of samul nori has seen a wide following, especially among Korean youth, as the concert-stage adaptation of traditional p’ungmul. Though it showcases the four basic Korean percussion instruments, the changgo has especially fast patterns that call for a high level of technical proficiency. Historical background information about the origins, history, and development of the instrument The changgo was probably brought into Korea from the Middle East and Central Asia by way of China during the Koryǒ period (918-1392 A.D.), though a recent discovery of a mural painting dating back to the Koguryǒ period of the Three Kingdoms era (658 A.D.) have led some scholars to believe that the drum was in use much earlier. Playing technique methods of playing the instrument, performance practices (how is the instrument played?) In court music and in accompaniment situations, the changgo is played in a seated position on the floor. A thin bamboo stick is used to strike the chaepyon (usually the right side) around the rim of the head, while the gungpyon (left side) is struck in the center of the head with the bare hand. In p’ungmul nori performances, however, a round-headed wooden mallet is used to play on the gungpyon. Some rhythms in p’ungmul nori and samul nori (contemporary concert-hall adaptation of p’ungmul nori) will call for the performer to cross hands and use the wooden mallet to hit the opposite side (chaepyon) of the changgo. As p’ungmul nori is traditionally an outdoor, open-space activity, the changgo in such cases is tied to the player’s body, resting over one side of the hip with long pieces of cloth slung over the shoulder and around the waist.   Geography The continent, region, nation where this instrument originates from Korea Classification Hornbostel-Sachs, revised by MIMO 211.242.12 Individual double-skin hourglass-shaped drums, both heads played Ensemble The musical group in which an instrument can be found Korean Drumming Ensemble Materials animal skin, paulownia wood, rope, metal Bibliography a list of sources referenced <div class="element-text"> Hahn, Myung-Hee. 1998. A Study of Musical Instruments in Korean Traditional Music, translated by Park, Il-Woo, Seoul: The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts, Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Howard, Keith. 1988. Korean Musical Instruments: A Practical Guide, Seoul, Korea: Se-Kwang Music Publishing Co. --------. 1995. Korean Musical Instruments, New York: Oxford University Press. Killick, Andrew. 2002. “Musical Instruments of Korea.” In The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, Vol. 7. East Asia: China, Japan, and Korea, edited by Robert Provine, Yoshihiko Tokumaru, and J. Lawrence Witzleben, New York: Routledge, 821-31. Lee, Hye-Ku. 1981. Essays on Traditional Korean Music, translated and edited by Robert Provine, Seoul, Korea: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch. Pratt, Keith. 1987. Korean Music: Its History and Performance, London: Faber Music Ltd. Sŏng, Kyŏng-rin. 1973. “Korean Musical Instruments.” In Survey of Korean Arts: Traditional Music. Seoul, Korea: The National Academy of Arts. </div> Contributors Entry authors Hae Joo Kim (2005) Notation The style of written music that the player reads Traditionally, Korean percussion instruments used a notational system called the Chǒngganbo, which can be traced back to the fifteenth century. The Chǒngganbo is a framework of vertical and horizontal lines that intersect to create small boxes that are read in columns (top to bottom, right to left), with icons or symbols representing various strokes placed within each box, one box being equal to one beat. In ensemble music, one column would carry the notation for one instrument, and one line (i.e. one segment from top to bottom) would denote one rhythmic cycle. Chǒngganbo also allows for subdivision of beats within one box if necessary. The Chǒngganbo system is still in use today, although Korean percussion instruments also use western staff notation. The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts in Korea uses and prints materials in both systems. Video Embed YouTube video <iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/rji5sL2HIHs" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Changgo Korea membranophone Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Korean Drumming Description An account of the resource <h4>P’ungmul nori</h4> P’ungmul nori is one of the oldest and most popular folk arts of Korea deeply rooted in the country’s traditionally agrarian lifestyle and culture. The term consists of pung (literally, “wind”), and mul (literally, “thing” or “object”), with nori meaning “play.” Generally, p’ungmul (sometimes known as nongak) refers to the percussion bands that performed in farming villages on various occasions, festivities, and celebrations, including planting and harvesting seasons, New Year, Full Moon, to invoke blessings and repel evil spirits. But perhaps most importantly, p’ungmul nori is an activity that calls on the collective energy and unity of the community. It stirs up the shinmyong (excited spirit) of the people providing a renewed sense of energy to carry on the difficult tasks of laboring. Instrumentation of p’ungmul groups tends to vary according to region, but the four basic elements of p’ungmul nori are the kkwaenggwari (small gong), changgo (hourglass drum), ching (large gong), and puk (shallow barrel drum). Ensembles will sometimes include the sogo (small frame drum with handle), the nabal (long trumpet), or the taepyongso (conical oboe). In cases where the sogo is present, its player will usually perform acrobatics with a ribbon tied to a headpiece, while the rest of the ensemble dances the steps to a procession. P’ungmul nori traditionally takes place outside in an open space, and while it is considered to be music, it is dance is an integral and inseparable aspect of the whole performance. As such, all members of a p’ungmul group carry their instruments or have them tied to their body, so that dance movements are possible. The kkwaenggwari and ching (small and large gongs) are the most important instruments in the percussion band. The kkwaenggwari is played by the leader who directs the group in changes of rhythm patterns and tempi. The ching, on the other hand, plays a key role in the ensemble by providing the basic beats that unify the performance. Many a p’ungmul musician will attest that if the large gong loses the pulse, the band will fall apart. The changgo, however, can be seen as the feature instrument of p’ungmul and samul nori. It realizes the complete changdan (rhythmic cycle) and carries the most complex rhythm patterns. It is also the only instrument in the ensemble played with both hands. The changgo can reach great levels of virtuosity, especially in samul nori. The puk rounds out the quartet of instruments by providing a strong and consistent pulse. Musicians and scholars believe that p’ungmul music has its origins in shamanism, the indigenous religion of Korea. But it is difficult to say where this influence ends not only because data on the history of this genre is sparse, but also because its evolution has been affected by military music, Buddhism, its role as pure entertainment, and its connections with the itinerant performing troupes (namsadang) of the late Choson Dynasty. The ritualistic aspect of p’ungmul percussion bands was extant in the agricultural and coastal countrysides of Korea until the middle of the 20th century. But this tradition has slowly died out in the wake of modernization, the influence of western religions, an overall decrease in superstitious rituals, and the rise of technology not only in farming materials and equipment, but also in various leisure items that focus more on individual and indoor entertainment. Today, p’ungmul nori remains a source of entertainment and is preserved in festivals, parades, and in performance contexts. It is also an art form that carries the identity of the Korean people, especially in a time where western music seems to have eclipsed much of Korean traditional music. P’ungmul is significant in that it still exists in Korea today. Where as court music died out with the dynasties, and something like p’ansori (narrative folk singing) is to be enjoyed when there is a skilled p’ansori singer available, p’ungmul is an accessible form of music, its musical patterns relatively easy to learn, pick up, and perform. After the military coup in Korea (1961) and throughout the latter half of the 20th century, students across Korean campuses employed p’ungmul as a medium to empower the masses and rally strength in demonstrating against the authoritarian government. Its dynamic, powerful rhythms, and its accessibility to the masses made p’ungmul nori a popular channel and source for provocation, mobilization, energy, and solidarity. In Korea’s culture of survival, p’ungmul has played an important role in rousing the shinmyong and regenerating the spirit of the people. <h4>Samul nori</h4> Samul nori (literally, “play of four things”) may be seen as a modernized adaptation of p’ungmul nori. It first emerged on the stages of Korea in the late 1970s with a tremendous following, under the leadership of Kim Duk Soo who is credited as the leader of this movement. The four instruments in the samul nori genre are the kkwaenggwari, changgo, ching, and puk. Samul nori stems from the p’ungmul tradition, but it is designed mainly for performance and is reserved for highly skilled, professional musicians. Whereas p’ungmul is performed outdoors, in an open space, samul nori is presented in a small space or on a stage (outdoors or indoors). Samul nori performances are often performed in a seated position. P’ungmul music has simpler rhythm patterns that are repeated, and thus accessible to the wide audience. Indeed a “successful” p’ungmul nori invites as many people as possible, as the shinmyong of the group will be more euphoric when there are more people involved. The boundary and space (physical, emotional) between player and audience is minimal in p’ungmul nori, as the larger goal is to achieve a communal high in spirit. P’ungmul performances are not limited to a particular time frame, coming to a close only when the festivities come to a natural end. On the other hand, the genre of samul nori is performed by an average of 4-6 performers who are somewhat distanced from the audience as they showcase a program of extremely complex and technically difficult patterns. Although audiences can certainly sense the shinmyong and participate in the exciting spirit that is generated through such brilliance, samul nori is not conducive to audience participation in the way that p’ungmul nori is. It is not easy, nor is it meant, for onlookers to follow along, in rhythm or dance. Since samul nori is tailored as a staged art, the length of pieces is considerably shorter and the program is set before the show. Although samul nori is not completely without improvisation, its scope is limited in comparison to p’ungmul nori, which is more responsive to audience reactions and the atmosphere created at the time of performance. While p’ungmul nori does not come with a “repertory,” and no two performances or groups would play the same material, samul nori has developed a set or standardized pieces. Samul nori is an urban phenomenon that has been immensely popular with Korean youth. It has sparked renewed interest in traditional art forms among Koreans in the face of Korea’s ever-westernizing musical arena. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hae Joo Kim (2005) Musical Instrument A sound-making object used for musical performance or in a musical context Alternative title any additional names or spellings for the instrument Sogŭm Physical description Physical attributes and characteristics of the instrument, details about morphology, construction, materials, dimensions The kkwaenggwari is a small, brass gong that has a diameter of approximately 19 to 22 cm (7½ to 8½ in), and a rim of approximately 3 to 4 cm (1½ in). It is played with a wooden mallet with a bare wooden disc attached at the tip. The length of the mallet may vary, depending on the purpose of the music, but it is thinner than the mallet used for the ching (large gong). The kkwaenggwari is sometimes known as the sogŭm, literally “small metal.” Nowadays, the kkwaenngwari is made of a combination of copper and zinc, its tone much clearer when the percentage of copper is higher (60-70%). Kkwaenggwaris with a larger percentage of zinc produce a lower, darker tone that does not resonate as well. Musical, Cultural, and Social Contexts information about the contexts in which the instrument is and its role in culture and society performed (Who plays the instrument? What music do they play? Where, when, why is this instrument played?) There are two types of kkwaenggwari that are identified as male and female. The su-kkwaenggwari (male) is a higher pitched instrument, while the am-kkwaenggwari (female) produces a smoother, lower-pitched tone. Because of its sound penetration, the su-kkwaenggwari is usually used as the lead instrument in farmer’s band music. The am-kkwaenggwari is sometimes used by the pusoe, the “2nd leader,” and complements the sound of the su-kkwaenggwari that is played by the sangsoe. As a pair, the two kkwaenggwari reflect the principle of ŭm-yang (yin-yang) that represents the balance between dark and light. Historical background information about the origins, history, and development of the instrument The origins of the kkwaenggwari are not certain. However, it seems to have been in use by the time of the unified Silla Dynasty of Korea (668-935 A.D.), though some scholars believe it to have emerged during the Koryŏ period (918-1392 A.D.) The kkwaenggwari is used as the lead instrument in shamanistic music, in p’ungmul nori (farmer’s band music), and in the contemporary concert hall adaptation of p’ungmul nori known as samul nori. Along with the changgo (hourglass drum), ching (large gong), and puk (barrel drum), the kkwaenggwari is one of the four basic instruments in p’ungmul nori and samul nori percussion ensembles. Playing technique methods of playing the instrument, performance practices (how is the instrument played?) The kkwaenggwari is held in one hand with varying grips (loose or firm) that allow for a contrast in tone and articulation as it is struck with the mallet. In addition to varying the grip of the kkwaenggwari, the player can also manipulate tone production by damping the gong with the middle, ring, and pinky fingers, which produces different sounds that mark rhythmic cycles and signal changes in rhythm patterns as well as tempi. Unlike the ching (large gong), its rhythmic technique and patterns are complex. The lead kkwaenggwari player, known as the sangsoe, functions as the head of an ensemble (usually a percussion ensemble) and leads the others in the accompanying dance movements as well as the music. Geography The continent, region, nation where this instrument originates from Korea Classification Hornbostel-Sachs, revised by MIMO 111.241.1 (Individual) gongs Ensemble The musical group in which an instrument can be found Korean Drumming Ensemble Dimensions The physical measurements of the instrument Diameter: 19 to 22 cm (7½ to 8½ in) Rim: 3 to 4 cm (1½ in) Materials Brass, or copper and zinc Bibliography a list of sources referenced Hahn, Myung-Hee. 1998. A Study of Musical Instruments in Korean Traditional Music, translated by Park, Il-Woo, Seoul: The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts, Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Howard, Keith. 1988. Korean Musical Instruments: A Practical Guide, Seoul, Korea: Se-Kwang Music Publishing Co. --------. 1995. Korean Musical Instruments, New York: Oxford University Press. Killick, Andrew. 2002. “Musical Instruments of Korea.” In The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, Vol. 7. East Asia: China, Japan, and Korea, edited by Robert Provine, Yoshihiko Tokumaru, and J. Lawrence Witzleben, New York: Routledge, 821-31. Lee, Hye-Ku. 1981. Essays on Traditional Korean Music, translated and edited by Robert Provine, Seoul, Korea: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch. Pratt, Keith. 1987. Korean Music: Its History and Performance, London: Faber Music Ltd. Sŏng, Kyŏng-rin. 1973. “Korean Musical Instruments.” In Survey of Korean Arts: Traditional Music. Seoul, Korea: The National Academy of Arts. Contributors Entry authors Hae Joo Kim (2005) Notation The style of written music that the player reads Traditionally, Korean percussion instruments used a notational system called the Chǒngganbo, which can be traced back to the fifteenth century. The Chǒngganbo is a framework of vertical and horizontal lines that intersect to create small boxes that are read in columns (top to bottom, right to left), with icons or symbols representing various strokes placed within each box, one box being equal to one beat. In ensemble music, one column would carry the notation for one instrument, and one line (i.e. one segment from top to bottom) would denote one rhythmic cycle. Chǒngganbo also allows for subdivision of beats within one box if necessary. The Chǒngganbo system is still in use today, although Korean percussion instruments also use western staff notation. The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts in Korea uses and prints materials in both systems. Video Embed YouTube video <iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Z8DaHEFRFbM" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Kkwaenggwari idiophone Korea